WASHINGTON
— Donald Rumsfeld has been designated by Democratic politicians
as the
scapegoat for the scandal at Abu Ghraib prison. But any resignation
would only whet their appetite to cut and run. The highly
effective
defense secretary owes it to the nation's war on terror to soldier
on.
Because today's column will generate apoplectic e-mail, a word about
contrarian opinion: Shortly after 9/11, with the nation gripped by fear
and fury, the Bush White House issued a sweeping and popular order to
crack down on suspected terrorists. The liberal establishment
largely
fell cravenly mute. A few lonely civil libertarians spoke
out. When I
used the word "dictatorial," conservatives, both neo- and paleo-,
derided my condemnation as "hysterical."
One Bush cabinet member paid attention. Rumsfeld appointed a
bipartisan
panel of attorneys to re-examine that draconian edict. As a
result,
basic protections for the accused Qaeda combatants were included in the
proposed military tribunals.
Perhaps because of those protections, the tribunals never got off the
ground. (The Supreme Court will soon, I hope, provide similar
legal
rights to suspected terrorists who are U.S. citizens.) But in the panic
of the winter of 2001, Rumsfeld was one of the few in power concerned
about prisoners' rights. Some now demanding his scalp then
supported
the repressive Patriot Act.
In last week's apology before the Senate, Rumsfeld assumed ultimate
responsibility, as J.F.K. did after the Bay of Pigs fiasco.
The
Pentagon chief failed to foresee and warn the president of the danger
lurking in the Army's public announcement in January of its criminal
investigation into prisoner abuse. He failed to put the nation's
reputation ahead of the regulation prohibiting "command influence" in
criminal investigations, which protects the accused in
courts-martial.
The secretary testified that he was, incredibly, the last to see the
humiliating photos that turned a damning army critique by Maj. Gen.
Antonio Taguba into a media firestorm. Why nobody searched out
and
showed him those incendiary pictures immediately reveals sheer
stupidity on the part of the command structure and his Pentagon
staff.
But then Senator Mark Dayton of Minnesota rudely badgered the chairman
of the Joint Chiefs, Richard Myers, repeatedly hurling the word
"suppression" at him. General Myers had been trying to save the
lives
of troops by persuading CBS to delay its broadcast of pictures that
would inflame resistance.
Rumsfeld quieted the sound-bite-hungry
politician by reminding him that requests to delay life-threatening
reports were part of long military-media tradition.
This was scandal with no cover-up; the wheels of investigation and
prosecution were grinding, with public exposure certain.
Second only to
the failure to prevent torture was the Pentagon's failure to be first
to break the bad news: the Taguba report should have been released at a
Rumsfeld press conference months ago.
Now every suspect ever held in any U.S. facility will claim to have
been tortured and demand recompense. Videos real and fake will
stream
across the world's screens, and propagandists abroad will join
defeatists here in calling American prisons a "gulag," gleefully
equating Bush not just with Saddam but with Stalin.
Torture is both unlawful and morally abhorrent. But what about
gathering intelligence from suspected or proven terrorists by codified,
regulated, manipulative interrogation? Information thus acquired
can
save thousands of lives. Will
we now allow the pendulum to swing back
to "name, rank, serial number," as if suspected terrorists planning the
bombing of civilians were uniformed prisoners of war obeying the rules
of war?
The United States shows the world its values by investigating and
prosecuting wrongdoers high and low. It is not in our political value
system to scapegoat a good man for the depraved acts of others.
Nor
does it make strategic sense to remove a war leader in the vain hope of
appeasing critics of the war.
This secretary of defense, who has the strong support of the president,
is both effective and symbolic.
If he were to quit under political
fire, pressure would mount for America to quit under insurgent fire.
Hang in there, Rummy! You
have a duty to serve in our "long, hard
slog."
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